The Human Geographical Society of Japan « Japanese Journal of Human Geography Vol.58 No.5 (2006)

Japanese Journal of Human Geography Vol.58 No.5 (2006)

Vol.58 No.5 (2006)

Contents

Articles

An Analysis of the Formation of the Tenno-sai Shinto Festival in Enoshima Island,
Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan: Viewed through Its Relationship with Ritual Spaces
IKEUCHI Tai (1)

Reviews

Towards the Construction of the Epistemology of Menユs Studies in Geography
MURATA Yohei (21)
Jimbun Chiri 2005 Synopsis: Volume 57
H. Todd Stradford (38)

Research Notes

The Role of a Real Estate Agency in Migration to Yakushima
TAKESHITA Satomi (43)
The Activities of Street Performers and Their Social Networks in Kita, Osaka
MIKI Kazumi (57)
The Formation and the Change of the Area around Osaka Station from the Viewpoint of Land-ownership
KOHARA Takeaki (572)

Meeting Reports

258th Regular Meeting (89)
17th Meeting of Metropolitan Area Studies (92)

Abstracts

An Analysis of the Formation of the Tenno-sai Shinto Festival in Enoshima Island, Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan:
Viewed through Its Relationship with Ritual Spaces

IKEUCHI Tai

Several studies have been conducted on the Matsuri, which are Shinto festivals or traditional local festivals in Japan; these have been focused mainly on folkloristic, sociological and anthropological aspects. The present research aims to analyze the formation of an annually-performed Shinto festival dedicated to a local deity by local communities from the point of view of the relations of the spaces where the rituals are held.
The Matsuri starts with local people who will participate keeping away from secular life for a certain period ahead of the festival, in order to purify their souls and bodies. On the main day of the Matsuri, they perform the ritual in a shrine, traditional activities such as Kagura and Dengaku, which are ritual music and dancing performed in shrines, or Sumo wrestling and Yabusame (horseback archery), that are dedicated to their tutelary deity. Meanwhile, a Shinto priest or a representative of the community moves the tutelary deity from the shrine to a mikoshi, which is a miniature shrine. The mikoshi is then carried into the village, to bring the power of the divine spirit to the community. It is believed that renewed energy will pervade the village. Thus, the community reconfirms its relationship with the deity through this Matsuri.
We paid attention to the passage of the mikoshi and to the spaces where the rituals are held. This is because the Matsuri organizes unrelated spaces and also influences the social structure of the community. The mikoshi is carried from the shrine to the Otabisyo which is located in the village plaza or on a village boundary, to the beach, to the cultivated fields, and so on. Then, it often returns to the shrine on a different course. Thus, these spaces are linked together and come to form a unity by the passage of the mikoshi. At the same time, the rituals help connect these spaces to the communityユs daily activities.
We aimed to analyze the formation of the festival Tenno-sai based mainly on a spatial perspective. The festival is performed between Yasaka-jinja shrine in Enoshima Island, Kanagawa Prefecture, and Koyurugi-jinja shrine, located on the opposite shore of Enoshima, on the one hand, and the tutelary shrine of Koshigoe area, Kamakura City, on the other. To elucidate our purpose, we investigated the spatial relationship that is symbolized by the Tenno-sai festival, and described and explained chronologically the various elements which are connected to each space on a step-by-step basis from beginning to end.
On the day of the Tenno-sai, the festival begins with the main ritual performance in Hetsuno-miya, one of the Enoshima-jinja shrines. The participants, mostly parishioners of Yasaka-jinja, carry the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja around Enoshima. Then the mikoshi is enshrined at Higashi-machi where the parishioners live, after which it is shoved and pushed at sea. Meanwhile, the mikoshi of Koyurugi-jinja is also paraded by parishioners around Koshigoe, and the timing of the passage of the mikoshi by the sea coincides with the Yasaka-jinjaユs mikoshi. In the afternoon, the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja comes over to Koshigoe. When the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja is carried to Koshigoe, the mikoshi of Koyurugi-jinja is already waiting to greet the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja on the border of Koshigoe. However, parish representatives of Yasaka-jinja and Koyurugi-jinja exchange greetings in front of Ryukou-ji temple which is located outside of Koshigoe. Both mikoshi are paraded around Koshigoe and afterwards reach Koyurugi-jinja. Then, the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja returns to Enoshima, while the mikoshi of Koyurugi-jinja goes only part of the way. Both mikoshi are pushed and shoved against each other in front of Ryukou-ji during the return of Yasaka-jinjaユs mikoshi to Enoshima.
Nowadays, during Tenno-sai, the passage at sea is performed for both mikoshi; however, the passage at sea of the mikoshi of Koyurugi-jinja is a newly introduced element of the festival. Meanwhile, the passage at sea of the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja is a reproduction of a traditional belief. According to the folk story, the fishermen in Higashi-machi raised a statue of worship in front of Iwaya, a cave in Enoshima. Then the fishermen enshrined it in Higashi-machi, after which, at last it was enshrined in the precincts of Hetsuno-miya. Thus, the rituals, which are performed at sea with each mikoshi, are different from the point of view of their symbolic meanings.
It is suggestive that the statue is connected with Iwaya. We learned that the Iwaya is an important space for fishermen of both Higashi-machi and Koshigoe, because they believe that the statue was originally enshrined in Koyurugi-jinja. This spatial relation between Iwaya and Koyurugi-jinja gave us more impetus to investigate in detail the ritual performances. We observed the space where the greetings of the communitiesユ representatives are exchanged and where both mikoshi meet each other, since this space belongs to neither Koshigoe nor Higashi-machi. Hence, we paid attention to the fact that the ritual is performed in front of Hetsuno-miya, not Yasaka-jinja. We also noticed the fact that the parish representatives of Koyurugi-jinja attend the ritual that takes place in Hetsuno-miya, in spite of the fact that the ritual is also performed in Koshigoe at the same time. The paper describes the above-mentioned spaces observed at the festival Tenno-sai and elucidates the meaning of ritual spaces: Koyurugi-jinja, Iwaya, in front of Ryukou-ji and Hetsuno-miya.
It was during early modern times that Iwamoto-in (one of the groups which manage the shrine in Enoshima) assumed control of Enoshima. With an increase in visitors in Enoshima, a positive economic effect had occurred. However, Iwamoto-in excluded fishermen of Higashi-machi from that profit and Iwaya. We assumed that local fishermen would need to keep a spiritual connection with Enoshima and Iwaya. As a consequence, they might have initiated the festival which seems to be a necessity for them.
Originally, Ryukoumyou-jinja, a tutelary shrine for Tsumura and Koshigoe villages, was located on the space where Ryukou-ji is now located. Although the two villages originally formed one village, they were divided in the beginning of the Edo Period. The process in which the Ryukoumyou-jinja was enshrined is related by メEnoshima-engiモ. According to this story, Benzaiten descended at Iwaya, and Ryukoumyou-jinja is thus tied to the goddess of fortune. We inferred from the above that the Iwaya and the mountain where Ryukoumyou-jinja was enshrined designate the same and unique space. At the end of the 18th century, the space where Ryukoumyou-jinja was enshrined became the domain of another village. In the early 19th century, the community in Koshigoe reconstructed Koyurugi-jinja as their tutelary shrine.
It is thought that Yasaka-jinja was erected in the precincts of Hetsuno-miya because Higashi-machi and Hetsuno-miya were a territory of Shimono-bou (one of the groups which manage the shrine in Enoshima), and the fishermen of Higashi-machi and Shimono-bou coexisted. During Tenno-sai, the fishermen shove and push the mikoshi at sea. They hereby could connect to Benzaiten and Iwaya, because this ritual shows that they obtained the power of Benzaiten. That is, the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja was given the power of Benzaiten.
Based on this, we concluded that these points were important to the Tsumura and Koshigoe communities. They needed compensation because they lost Ryukoumyou-jinja which was tied with Benzaiten of Iwaya. According to traditions remembered by the villagers, the god of Yasaka-jinja had been originally enshrined in Koyurugi-jinja. This god was raised in front of Iwaya, and was afterwards enshrined in the side of Hetsuno-miya, so that they could reconstruct the relation between Ryukoumyou-jinja and Benzaiten. The reason why the ritual is performed in front of Hetsuno-miya is to confirm the relation with Benzaiten or Iwaya for the community in Koshigoe and Tsumura.
After the passage of the Yasaka-jinjaユs mikoshi at sea, this mikoshi comes to Koshigoe. We supposed that this ritual is meant to show Benzaiten coming to Koshigoe. Thus, it is thought that based on the spatial relation shown in メEnoshima-engiモ, the community in Koshigoe and Tsumura could create the Tenno-sai more positively to imply a connection with Enoshima. Although the processes were different, in Higashi-machi, Tsumura and Koshigoe communities agreed at the point that they needed a connection with Iwaya or Benzaiten. Thus the Tenno-sai, which was handed down to the present time, was created at the end of the 18th century and the early 19th century.
Considering the spaces of the Tenno-sai where the rituals are performed, we described the geographical context of shrines and temples, the inhabitants and their struggle with power, the economic effect of tourism activities, the landscape occupation pattern and the relation of social groups, which led us to a geographical analysis of the formation of Tenno-sai. Consequently, we can learn that based on the spatial relations shown in メEnoshima-engiモ, the local communities created the Tenno-sai replacing the spatial elements.

Key words: Enoshima, Koshigoe, festival Tenno-sai, Shinto festival, tutelary shrine, ritual space

Towards the construction of the epistemology of menユs studies in geography

MURATA, Yohei
(Mukogawa Kansai Culture Research Center)

Menユs studies in geography have investigated the meaning of gendered space from a male perspective and have contributed to realizing gender equality since the 1990s. While scholars have been eager to conduct case studies, they have paid little attention to theoretical discussions, however. In this paper, I examine the validity of queer theory as a major theoretical framework in contemporary gender studies, and propose an alternative epistemology of menユs studies in geography
Queer theory is a set of ideas based on the thought that the concept of identity or category is not essentially fixed but constructed by social-cultural performance. Influenced by queer theory, gender geography has also deliberately challenged all notions of fixed gendered space in various ways since the 1990s. Queer theory, however, has some limitations as a theoretical framework for deconstructing the concept of identity.
I examine the limitations of queer theory from the perspective of the actual meaning of identity for men. By clarifying how we recognize male identity in daily spaces, I argue that queer theory cannot explain the emotions of ordinary men who have no doubt about the existence of male identity. This is because queer theory places too much emphasis on destabilizing identity and it lacks the perspective that people do not always think that identity should be deconstructed.
Based on this examination, I propose an alternative epistemology of menユs studies in gender geography by introducing phenomenology. The epistemology of phenomenology has clarified how we recognize the meaning of everyday world, and helps us to understand the nature of human cognition to gendered space. Menユs studies in geography, therefore, should not anticipate destabilizing to male identity and the space, but should examine the actual meanings for men, which can lead to construct space and place for gender equality.

Key words: positionality, epistemology, queer theory, phenomenology, gender and geography

Jimbun Chiri 2005 Synopsis: Volume 57

H. Todd Stradford
(University of Wisconsin-Platteville)

Full Text(PDF,124KB)

The Role of a Real Estate Agency in Migration to Yakushima

TAKESHITA Satomi
(Graduate Student, Faculty of Humanity, Kyushu University)

I investigated the role of a real estate agency dealing with property on Yakushima Island and the effect this has had on migration to the island. I examined the information provided and the services offered by the agency and how migrants received them. Furthermore, I looked at how migrants and local residents got on with each other. Through my research, I have clarified what the process of migration to Yakushima actually involves.
Yakushima is an island located to the south of Kagoshima, Satamisaki. It was recognized as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1993 for its rich array of flora and warm-temperate ancient forest. Many people have migrated to Yakushima from urban areas hoping to live a life surrounded by nature.
The movement of people from urban to rural districts to live is called an ヤI-turnユ. People who migrate to the country need a certain amount of information in order to begin living in a new area with which they have few connections. They also need information so that they can adapt to the rural community.
It was apparent that the agency played an important role in the process of migration to Yakushima. Specifically, when the agency provided local information that was not available through the general media, migrants acquired the ability to make decisions, making the migration process much smoother. Obtaining local information on such things as reliable builders and employment opportunities, as well as meeting with local ward leaders and other migrants, was necessary to begin living in a new place, but it was difficult for migrants to do these things as individuals. Therefore, the role of the agency in providing information and arranging meetings was important. Problems still arose due to differences in the thoughts and feelings of the migrants and local residents.

Key words: real estate agency, migration process, migrant, community, Yakushima

The Activities of Street Performers and Their Social Networks in Kita, Osaka

MIKI Kazumi

This study considers the activities of street performers on and around the new Umeda footbridge in Kita, Osaka. In this study, the perspectives of time geography and social networks are emphasized.
The following conclusions can be drawn as a result of field observations and personal interviews with street performers.
The various street performers are divided into 4 types: (1) musicians, (2) fine artists, (3) vendors, and (4) other performers. Based on these types, the purpose of their street activity varies and their space―time distribution patterns can be seen around the new Umeda footbridge.
The environment surrounding the street performers consists of the police and municipalities, local companies, media organizations, fans and visitors. On the one hand, they regulate the activities of the street performers, while, on the other, they are affected by the independent activities of the street performers.
Against the background of the spread of the Internet, street performers form social networks by creating their own homepages.
From knowledge of time geography and social networks, this paper analyzed various structural relations around street performers. Street activities in the city are understood as an example exhibited in many dimensions of time, space and society.

Key words: street performers, Kita, social network, time geography, society and space

The Formation and the Change of the Area around Osaka Station from the Viewpoint of Land-ownership

KOHARA Takeaki
(Research Fellow, Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies, Kyoto University)

There are many theories that deal with the processes of urban formation from the viewpoint of land-use and the location of services. Although it is also important to consider the processes from the viewpoint of land rights, not many studies have attempted this until now. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to consider the formation and the change of the area around Osaka Station through the analysis of transfers in land-ownership.  There are many theories that deal with the processes of urban formation from the viewpoint of land-use and the location of services. Although it is also important to consider the processes from the viewpoint of land rights, not many studies have attempted this until now. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to consider the formation and the change of the area around Osaka Station through the analysis of transfers in land-ownership.
The analysis in this study had three phases. First, the author investigated the transfer of land-ownership in the study area from 1945 to 1999. There were 4,063 transfers, of which 2,695 were land trades. Immediately after World War II, many lots were bought by individuals from land-owners who had possessed them before the war. The numbers of lots purchased by individuals decreased as time passed.
Many corporations actively bought lots from the late 1960s to the first half of the 1970s and from the mid-1980s to the early-1990s. As these two periods represented booms in land trades, the same phenomena occurred throughout Japan. Moreover, the author believes that urban development around the study area stimulated land trades in the region. As a result, corporations owned 75% of the land in the area by 1999.
Second, the author investigated where the buyers were located and their type of business. Many individuals who bought lots immediately after World War II lived in the same neighborhood. However, many of the real estate companies that bought a large number of lots in the late-1960s were companies that were located in Tokyo. In the late-1980s, real estate companies bought lots again, but this time many were located in Chou Ward, Osaka City. After the bubble economy burst, Tokyo companies again increased their ownership of land.
Third, the author considered the acquisition processes of lots by Hankyu Corporation and Hankyu Realty Co., Ltd (real estate division of the Hankyu Corporation Group). These companies obtained many lots after World War II. Hankyu Corporation owns more than 10% of the land in the area. The lots that these companies own are unevenly distributed within the area. They commonly own many lots in Chayamachi. They have acquired these lots in order to enforce urban redevelopments. In particular, Hankyu Corporation has acquired the lots strategically, by entrusting other companies with their purchase.
The significance of this study is to clarify the changes in land-ownership, which happened before land-use changes. After World War II, the structure of land-ownership in the study area changed from individual-based to one based on corporations. This change is highly likely to influence the development of the area as a business and commercial district. Judging from the number of land trades, the author suggests that the late-1960s were the turning point in that change, and supposes that the corporations that bought lots at that time developed the area.

Key words: land-ownership, registers of land, real estate company, urban redevelopment, Hankyu Corporation, the area around Osaka Station

2011/09/30