Japanese Journal of Human Geography Vol.62 No.2 (2010)

Vol.62 No.2 (2010)



YAMAMOTO Takatsugu
Mandarin Orange Farms Established by Japanese on Jeju Island, Korea underJapanese Rule: On Development of the Farms and the Transfer to Korean Residents 1

SAWA Munenori
The Process of Spatial Reorganization in India Due to Globalization: Focusing on De―territorialization and Re―territorialization 18

Reserch Note

The Market System in Musashi Province during the Edo Period: A Study Based on Mura―Mesai―Cho (Village Reports) 40


Population Decline from a Geographical Perspective 58

Meeting Report

34th Research Seminar of Metropolitan Area Study Group 83

Announcement 89


Mandarin Orange Farms Established by Japanese on Jeju Island, Korea under Japanese Rule : On Development of the Farms and the Transfer to Korean Residents

YAMAMOTO Takatsugu
College of Humanities, Chubu University

On Jeju Island, now part of South Korea, dynastically-owned ranches developed up until the 19th century spread across the slopes of Mt. Halla which soars upward at the center of the island. However, taking advantage of the mild climate, mandarin orange farms have now become widespread on Jeju Island, taking the place of the old ranches. One origin of those farms is a mandarin orange farm that was established at Seohong-ri on the south slope of Mt. Halla by Japanese living there during the era of Japanese rule. This farm was handed over to Korean residents after World War II, and both the farm and the late Mr. Kang, the planter, are still highly respected.
The purpose of this research is to investigate concretely how the mandarin orange farm in Seohong ri, in the present suburban area of Seogwipo City, was established during the era of Japanese rule, and how it was handed down to the residents after that period. This study involves analyzing cadastral materials such as cadasters and cadastral maps, verifying the register list, and interviewing the residents.
First, according to the examination of the cadastral materials recorded from the beginning of the Japanese jurisdiction, it was possible to confirm that low grade fields and forests were spread out over the upper slopes of the village due to the disuse of the dynastically-owned ranches. From the viewpoint of land ownership, the upper slope of the village was occupied as government-owned ground in the 1910’s. On the other hand, the ownership of the lower slope of the village was complicated as the proprietors of the residential land and those of the surrounding farmlands did not necessarily correspond with the movement of the residents’ settlements. The land on the upper slope of the village gradually came to be owned by the residents, and land on the more gentle slopes were owned by the Japanese. The mandarin orange farms were developed on these lands. However, the area of these farms held by the Japanese did not change during the era of Japanese rule. Moreover it is recorded in the cadastres that the land ownership of the farms was assigned in 1951 to Mr. Kang, who was a Korean who did not live in the neighborhood of Seohong ri.
According to interviews of the residents, even the descendants of Mr. Kang do not know the reason why Mr. Kang acquired the farm. Evidence from his family register and from many interviews reveals that the first Korean owner was killed during the “4・3 Disturbance” and that Mr. Kang then happened to acquire the farms.
In South Korea, generally speaking facilities developed by the Japanese and the people who later acquired them tend to receive negative evaluations. However, the residents gave comparatively positive evaluations of the mandarin orange farms of Seohong-ri because they agreed that the location of these properties was on a degraded slope and that the acquisition of the farms by Mr. Kang after World War II contributed much to the economy of the village. In addition, there is a possibility that such positive assessments were supported by the fact that Mr. Kang had not assumed control of the farms directly from the Japanese. The time of Japanese rule was also a time when the Korean residents of Seohong-ri were able to expand their own lands.
As mentioned above, this research investigated the locations and the extent of the mandarin orange farms that the Japanese established, and examined in detail the changes in the ownership of these lands through analysis of the cadastral materials. Based on this study, it is clear that the cadastral materials provided a means to clarify the process of the transfer of the farms that the residents themselves did not know well.

Key words : Korea, Jeju Island, mandarin orange farm, cadastral materials, land ownership, 4・3 Disturbance

The Process of Spatial Reorganization in India Due to Globalization : Focusing on De-territorialization and Re-territorialization

SAWA Munenori
Graduate School of Human Development and Environment, Kobe University

This paper regards spatial changes in India since the New Economic Policy in 1991 as spatial reorganization caused by globalization. Analyzing the process of spatial reorganization in India on a national, regional, and local scale, and the mutual relationship between the different scales, the author verifies the validity of the idea of de-territorialization and re-territorialization, which is based on Giddens’s theory of ‘modernity’. The author finds that the space is incorporated into a higher scale in the process of de-territorialization and re-territorialization.
On the national scale, the de-territorialization is caused by shaking the frame of the nation-state due to the increase in the mobility of foreign capital, laborers, and information in India. The re-territorialization is inevitably caused by the Indian central government’s policy for developing financial markets and labor markets as well as infrastructure to attract foreign capital. On the regional scale, the conditions of plant and office location are de-territorialized by the development of high-speed transportation and internet communication as well as the political deregulation of locations. The re-territorialization is inevitably caused by the heated competition for foreign capital investment among Indian cities. On the local scale, globalization strips off the ‘place’ which is embedded in the local context such as the local landscape, traditions, and history, from the suburbs which accept foreign capital and rural villages adjacent to urban areas. Subsequently, it de-territorializes the suburbs and villages by giving them a new meaning based on their economic value within a higher-level space. At the same time, the process of change itself is embedded in the local context again, and re-territorializes the Indian suburbs and villages. In the space of Indian migrants, the de-territorialization means the global flow of money and information as well as manpower, while the re-territorialization can be considered as the process of establishing Indian’s new settlements abroad.
Globalization, as a consequence of modernity, is the process that pushes the compression of the time-space increasingly, places a social act within a higher-level space, and continues de-territorialization and re-territorialization without any break. Spaces on the national, regional, and local scale are gradually incorporated into the global space through both processes.

Key words : Globalization, modernity, de-territorialization, re-territorialization, India.

The Market System in Musashi Province during the Edo Period : A Study Based on Mura-Mesai-Cho (Village Reports)

Graduate Student, Institute of Human Geography, Osaka University

Traditionally, periodic markets set their market days so they would not coincide with the market days in other nearby towns. As a result, visiting traders were able to sell their wares at multiple markets in the area, and consumers were able to buy goods in multiple markets. The market system that was formed by a network of such periodic markets has been a major topic among geographers. Previous works have offered a static analysis of the Edo period market system from the perspective of regional geography. However, the author contends that a new method is needed to understand the dynamism of this market system.
Mura-mesai-cho, which were the village reports that each village filed with the local government, provide valuable data we can use to analyze the market system during the Edo period. Each village had to file numerous reports during the Edo period, and some of them recorded information about periodic markets. These records fall into two categories : 1) the records about the periodic market held in the village that made the report, and 2) information about the periodic markets held in other market towns close to the village that made the report. The former recorded more reliable information about the periodic market.
These reports enable us to identify the creation, interruption and revival of periodic markets. For example, the periodic market of Koma was interrupted in 1771, revived in 1805, and interrupted again around 1810. Additionally, this analysis shows that some periodic markets were held for only a short time.
In the western area of Musashi Province, some periodic markets in marginal locales were interrupted in the eighteenth century and the early nineteenth century, while more centrally located periodic markets continued. The periodic market of Kawagoe, which was a castle town, operated in the important central place of western Musashi Province. There is abundant evidence that many people from mountain villages often went to periodic markets that could be over thirty kilometers from their villages. This is because there were only a few periodic markets held in the intermontane region. In the plains, however, periodic markets were formed at regular intervals.

Keywords : market system, Edo period, periodic market, Musashi Province, Mura-Mesai-Cho (Village Reports)

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