Vol.58 No.5 (2006)
Contents
Articles
An Analysis of the Formation of the Tenno-sai Shinto Festival in Enoshima Island,
Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan: Viewed through Its Relationship with Ritual Spaces
IKEUCHI Tai (1)
Reviews
Towards the Construction of the Epistemology of Menユs Studies in Geography
MURATA Yohei (21)
Jimbun Chiri 2005 Synopsis: Volume 57
H. Todd Stradford (38)
Research Notes
The Role of a Real Estate Agency in Migration to Yakushima
TAKESHITA Satomi (43)
The Activities of Street Performers and Their Social Networks in Kita, Osaka
MIKI Kazumi (57)
The Formation and the Change of the Area around Osaka Station from the Viewpoint of Land-ownership
KOHARA Takeaki (572)
Meeting Reports
258th Regular Meeting (89)
17th Meeting of Metropolitan Area Studies (92)
Abstracts
An Analysis of the Formation of the Tenno-sai Shinto Festival in Enoshima Island, Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan:
Viewed through Its Relationship with Ritual Spaces
 
IKEUCHI Tai
Several studies have been conducted on the Matsuri, which are Shinto  festivals or traditional local festivals in Japan; these have been  focused mainly on folkloristic, sociological and anthropological  aspects. The present research aims to analyze the formation of an  annually-performed Shinto festival dedicated to a local deity by local  communities from the point of view of the relations of the spaces where  the rituals are held.
The Matsuri starts with local people who will participate keeping away  from secular life for a certain period ahead of the festival, in order  to purify their souls and bodies. On the main day of the Matsuri, they  perform the ritual in a shrine, traditional activities such as Kagura  and Dengaku, which are ritual music and dancing performed in shrines, or  Sumo wrestling and Yabusame (horseback archery),  that are dedicated to  their tutelary deity. Meanwhile, a Shinto priest or a representative of  the community moves the tutelary deity from the shrine to a mikoshi,  which is a miniature shrine. The mikoshi is then carried into the  village, to bring the power of the divine spirit to the community. It is  believed that renewed energy will pervade the village. Thus, the  community reconfirms its relationship with the deity through this  Matsuri.
We paid attention to the passage of the mikoshi and to the spaces where  the rituals are held. This is because the Matsuri organizes unrelated  spaces and also influences the social structure of the community. The  mikoshi is carried from the shrine to the Otabisyo which is located in  the village plaza or on a village boundary, to the beach, to the  cultivated fields, and so on. Then, it often returns to the shrine on a  different course. Thus, these spaces are linked together and come to  form a unity by the passage of the mikoshi. At the same time, the  rituals help connect these spaces to the communityユs daily activities.
We aimed to analyze the formation of the festival Tenno-sai based  mainly on a spatial perspective. The festival is performed between  Yasaka-jinja shrine in Enoshima Island, Kanagawa Prefecture, and  Koyurugi-jinja shrine, located on the opposite shore of Enoshima, on the  one hand, and the tutelary shrine of Koshigoe area, Kamakura City, on  the other. To elucidate our purpose, we investigated the spatial  relationship that is symbolized by the Tenno-sai festival, and described  and explained chronologically the various elements which are connected  to each space on a step-by-step basis from beginning to end.
On the day of the Tenno-sai, the festival begins with the main ritual  performance in Hetsuno-miya, one of the Enoshima-jinja shrines. The  participants, mostly parishioners of Yasaka-jinja, carry the mikoshi of  Yasaka-jinja around Enoshima. Then the mikoshi is enshrined at  Higashi-machi where the parishioners live, after which it is shoved and  pushed at sea. Meanwhile, the mikoshi of Koyurugi-jinja is also paraded  by parishioners around Koshigoe, and the timing of the passage of the  mikoshi by the sea coincides with the Yasaka-jinjaユs mikoshi. In the  afternoon, the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja comes over to Koshigoe. When the  mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja is carried to Koshigoe, the mikoshi of  Koyurugi-jinja is already waiting to greet the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja  on the border of Koshigoe. However, parish representatives of  Yasaka-jinja and Koyurugi-jinja exchange greetings in front of Ryukou-ji  temple which is located outside of Koshigoe. Both mikoshi are paraded  around Koshigoe and afterwards reach Koyurugi-jinja. Then, the mikoshi  of Yasaka-jinja returns to Enoshima, while the mikoshi of Koyurugi-jinja  goes only part of the way. Both mikoshi are pushed and shoved against  each other in front of Ryukou-ji during the return of Yasaka-jinjaユs  mikoshi to Enoshima.
Nowadays, during Tenno-sai, the passage at sea is performed for both  mikoshi; however, the passage at sea of the mikoshi of Koyurugi-jinja is  a newly introduced element of the festival. Meanwhile, the passage at  sea of the mikoshi of Yasaka-jinja is a reproduction of a traditional  belief. According to the folk story, the fishermen in Higashi-machi  raised a statue of worship in front of Iwaya, a cave in Enoshima. Then  the fishermen enshrined it in Higashi-machi, after which, at last it was  enshrined in the precincts of Hetsuno-miya. Thus, the rituals, which  are performed at sea with each mikoshi, are different from the point of  view of their symbolic meanings.
It is suggestive that the statue is connected with Iwaya. We learned  that the Iwaya is an important space for fishermen of both Higashi-machi  and Koshigoe, because they believe that the statue was originally  enshrined in Koyurugi-jinja. This spatial relation between Iwaya and  Koyurugi-jinja gave us more impetus to investigate in detail the ritual  performances. We observed the space where the greetings of the  communitiesユ representatives are exchanged and where both mikoshi meet  each other, since this space belongs to neither Koshigoe nor  Higashi-machi. Hence, we paid attention to the fact that the ritual is  performed in front of Hetsuno-miya, not Yasaka-jinja. We also noticed  the fact that the parish representatives of Koyurugi-jinja attend the  ritual that takes place in Hetsuno-miya, in spite of the fact that the  ritual is also performed in Koshigoe at the same time. The paper  describes the above-mentioned spaces observed at the festival Tenno-sai  and elucidates the meaning of ritual spaces: Koyurugi-jinja, Iwaya, in  front of Ryukou-ji and Hetsuno-miya.
It was during early modern times that Iwamoto-in (one of the groups  which manage the shrine in Enoshima) assumed control of Enoshima. With  an increase in visitors in Enoshima, a positive economic effect had  occurred. However, Iwamoto-in excluded fishermen of Higashi-machi from  that profit and Iwaya. We assumed that local fishermen would need to  keep a spiritual connection with Enoshima and Iwaya. As a consequence,  they might have initiated the festival which seems to be a necessity for  them.
Originally, Ryukoumyou-jinja, a tutelary shrine for Tsumura and  Koshigoe villages, was located on the space where Ryukou-ji is now  located. Although the two villages originally formed one village, they  were divided in the beginning of the Edo Period. The process in which  the Ryukoumyou-jinja was enshrined is related by メEnoshima-engiモ.  According to this story, Benzaiten descended at Iwaya, and  Ryukoumyou-jinja is thus tied to the goddess of fortune. We inferred  from the above that the Iwaya and the mountain where Ryukoumyou-jinja  was enshrined designate the same and unique space. At the end of the  18th century, the space where Ryukoumyou-jinja was enshrined became the  domain of another village. In the early 19th century, the community in  Koshigoe reconstructed Koyurugi-jinja as their tutelary shrine.
It is thought that Yasaka-jinja was erected in the precincts of  Hetsuno-miya because Higashi-machi and Hetsuno-miya were a territory of  Shimono-bou (one of the groups which manage the shrine in Enoshima), and  the fishermen of Higashi-machi and Shimono-bou coexisted. During  Tenno-sai, the fishermen shove and push the mikoshi at sea. They hereby  could connect to Benzaiten and Iwaya, because this ritual shows that  they obtained the power of Benzaiten. That is, the mikoshi of  Yasaka-jinja was given the power of Benzaiten.
Based on this, we concluded that these points were important to the  Tsumura and Koshigoe communities. They needed compensation because they  lost Ryukoumyou-jinja which was tied with Benzaiten of Iwaya. According  to traditions remembered by the villagers, the god of Yasaka-jinja had  been originally enshrined in Koyurugi-jinja. This god was raised in  front of Iwaya, and was afterwards enshrined in the side of  Hetsuno-miya, so that they could reconstruct the relation between  Ryukoumyou-jinja and Benzaiten. The reason why the ritual is performed  in front of Hetsuno-miya is to confirm the relation with Benzaiten or  Iwaya for the community in Koshigoe and Tsumura.
After the passage of the Yasaka-jinjaユs mikoshi at sea, this mikoshi  comes to Koshigoe. We supposed that this ritual is meant to show  Benzaiten coming to Koshigoe. Thus, it is thought that based on the  spatial relation shown in メEnoshima-engiモ, the community in Koshigoe and  Tsumura could create the Tenno-sai more positively to imply a  connection with Enoshima. Although the processes were different, in  Higashi-machi, Tsumura and Koshigoe communities agreed at the point that  they needed a connection with Iwaya or Benzaiten. Thus the Tenno-sai,  which was handed down to the present time, was created at the end of the  18th century and the early 19th century.
Considering the spaces of the Tenno-sai where the rituals are  performed, we described the geographical context of shrines and temples,  the inhabitants and their struggle with power, the economic effect of  tourism activities, the landscape occupation pattern and the relation of  social groups, which led us to a geographical analysis of the formation  of Tenno-sai. Consequently, we can learn that based on the spatial  relations shown in メEnoshima-engiモ, the local communities created the  Tenno-sai replacing the spatial elements.
Key words: Enoshima, Koshigoe, festival Tenno-sai, Shinto festival, tutelary shrine, ritual space
Towards the construction of the epistemology of menユs studies in geography
 
MURATA, Yohei
(Mukogawa Kansai Culture Research Center)
Menユs studies in geography have investigated the meaning of gendered  space from a male perspective and have contributed to realizing gender  equality since the 1990s. While scholars have been eager to conduct case  studies, they have paid little attention to theoretical discussions,  however. In this paper, I examine the validity of queer theory as a  major theoretical framework in contemporary gender studies, and propose  an alternative epistemology of menユs studies in geography
Queer theory is a set of ideas based on the thought that the concept of  identity or category is not essentially fixed but constructed by  social-cultural performance. Influenced by queer theory, gender  geography has also deliberately challenged all notions of fixed gendered  space in various ways since the 1990s. Queer theory, however, has some  limitations as a theoretical framework for deconstructing the concept of  identity.
I examine the limitations of queer theory from the perspective of the  actual meaning of identity for men. By clarifying how we recognize male  identity in daily spaces, I argue that queer theory cannot explain the  emotions of ordinary men who have no doubt about the existence of male  identity. This is because queer theory places too much emphasis on  destabilizing identity and it lacks the perspective that people do not  always think that identity should be deconstructed.
Based on this examination, I propose an alternative epistemology of  menユs studies in gender geography by introducing phenomenology. The  epistemology of phenomenology has clarified how we recognize the meaning  of everyday world, and helps us to understand the nature of human  cognition to gendered space. Menユs studies in geography, therefore,  should not anticipate destabilizing to male identity and the space, but  should examine the actual meanings for men, which can lead to construct  space and place for gender equality.
Key words: positionality, epistemology, queer theory, phenomenology, gender and geography
Jimbun Chiri 2005 Synopsis: Volume 57
 
H. Todd Stradford
(University of Wisconsin-Platteville)
The Role of a Real Estate Agency in Migration to Yakushima
 
TAKESHITA Satomi
(Graduate Student, Faculty of Humanity, Kyushu University)
I investigated the role of a real estate agency dealing with property  on Yakushima Island and the effect this has had on migration to the  island. I examined the information provided and the services offered by  the agency and how migrants received them. Furthermore, I looked at how  migrants and local residents got on with each other. Through my  research, I have clarified what the process of migration to Yakushima  actually involves.
Yakushima is an island located to the south of Kagoshima, Satamisaki.  It was recognized as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1993 for its  rich array of flora and warm-temperate ancient forest. Many people have  migrated to Yakushima from urban areas hoping to live a life surrounded  by nature.
The movement of people from urban to rural districts to live is called  an ヤI-turnユ. People who migrate to the country need a certain amount of  information in order to begin living in a new area with which they have  few connections. They also need information so that they can adapt to  the rural community.
It was apparent that the agency played an important role in the process  of migration to Yakushima. Specifically, when the agency provided local  information that was not available through the general media, migrants  acquired the ability to make decisions, making the migration process  much smoother. Obtaining local information on such things as reliable  builders and employment opportunities, as well as meeting with local  ward leaders and other migrants, was necessary to begin living in a new  place, but it was difficult for migrants to do these things as  individuals. Therefore, the role of the agency in providing information  and arranging meetings was important. Problems still arose due to  differences in the thoughts and feelings of the migrants and local  residents.
Key words: real estate agency, migration process, migrant, community, Yakushima
The Activities of Street Performers and Their Social Networks in Kita, Osaka
 
MIKI Kazumi
This study considers the activities of street performers on and around  the new Umeda footbridge in Kita, Osaka. In this study, the perspectives  of time geography and social networks are emphasized.
The following conclusions can be drawn as a result of field observations and personal interviews with street performers.
The various street performers are divided into 4 types: (1) musicians,  (2) fine artists, (3) vendors, and (4) other performers. Based on these  types, the purpose of their street activity varies and their space―time  distribution patterns can be seen around the new Umeda footbridge.
The environment surrounding the street performers consists of the  police and municipalities, local companies, media organizations, fans  and visitors. On the one hand, they regulate the activities of the  street performers, while, on the other, they are affected by the  independent activities of the street performers.
Against the background of the spread of the Internet, street performers form social networks by creating their own homepages.
From knowledge of time geography and social networks, this paper  analyzed various structural relations around street performers. Street  activities in the city are understood as an example exhibited in many  dimensions of time, space and society.
Key words: street performers, Kita, social network, time geography, society and space
The Formation and the Change of the Area around Osaka Station from the Viewpoint of Land-ownership
 
KOHARA Takeaki
(Research Fellow, Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies, Kyoto University)
There are many theories that deal with the processes of urban formation  from the viewpoint of land-use and the location of services. Although  it is also important to consider the processes from the viewpoint of  land rights, not many studies have attempted this until now. Therefore,  the purpose of this study is to consider the formation and the change of  the area around Osaka Station through the analysis of transfers in  land-ownership.  There are many theories that deal with the processes of  urban formation from the viewpoint of land-use and the location of  services. Although it is also important to consider the processes from  the viewpoint of land rights, not many studies have attempted this until  now. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to consider the formation  and the change of the area around Osaka Station through the analysis of  transfers in land-ownership.
The analysis in this study had three phases. First, the author  investigated the transfer of land-ownership in the study area from 1945  to 1999. There were 4,063 transfers, of which 2,695 were land trades.  Immediately after World War II, many lots were bought by individuals  from land-owners who had possessed them before the war. The numbers of  lots purchased by individuals decreased as time passed.
Many corporations actively bought lots from the late 1960s to the first  half of the 1970s and from the mid-1980s to the early-1990s. As these  two periods represented booms in land trades, the same phenomena  occurred throughout Japan. Moreover, the author believes that urban  development around the study area stimulated land trades in the region.  As a result, corporations owned 75% of the land in the area by 1999.
Second, the author investigated where the buyers were located and their  type of business. Many individuals who bought lots immediately after  World War II lived in the same neighborhood. However, many of the real  estate companies that bought a large number of lots in the late-1960s  were companies that were located in Tokyo. In the late-1980s, real  estate companies bought lots again, but this time many were located in  Chou Ward, Osaka City. After the bubble economy burst, Tokyo companies  again increased their ownership of land.
Third, the author considered the acquisition processes of lots by  Hankyu Corporation and Hankyu Realty Co., Ltd (real estate division of  the Hankyu Corporation Group). These companies obtained many lots after  World War II. Hankyu Corporation owns more than 10% of the land in the  area. The lots that these companies own are unevenly distributed within  the area. They commonly own many lots in Chayamachi. They have acquired  these lots in order to enforce urban redevelopments. In particular,  Hankyu Corporation has acquired the lots strategically, by entrusting  other companies with their purchase.
The significance of this study is to clarify the changes in  land-ownership, which happened before land-use changes. After World War  II, the structure of land-ownership in the study area changed from  individual-based to one based on corporations. This change is highly  likely to influence the development of the area as a business and  commercial district. Judging from the number of land trades, the author  suggests that the late-1960s were the turning point in that change, and  supposes that the corporations that bought lots at that time developed  the area.
Key words: land-ownership, registers of land, real estate company, urban redevelopment, Hankyu Corporation, the area around Osaka Station