The Human Geographical Society of Japan « Japanese Journal of Human Geography Vol.60 No.2 (2008)

Japanese Journal of Human Geography Vol.60 No.2 (2008)

Vol.60 No.2 (2008)



Development of the Retail Districts in Lynnwood and Reformation of Retail Space in the Seattle Metropolitan Area
MATSUDA Takanori(1)

Research Note

The Actual Situation and Regional Differences in Activities by Citizen Groups Working for the Conservation of the satoyama Environment in the Yamato Plain Area of Nara Prefecture
IKENAKA Yoshie (23)
First Generation Aging, Second Generation on the Move:
the process of generationtransition in two suburban neighborhoods in the Tokyo metropolitan area
NAKAZAWA Takashi, SATO Hideto and KAWAGUTI Taro (38)
Changes in Citrus-Producing Areas in California Since the Orange Trade Liberalization between Japan and the U. S. in 1991
KAWAKUBO Atsushi (57)

Meeting Report

10th Meeting of Geographical Education (77)
92nd Meeting of Geographical Thought (81)
News (84)


Development of the Retail Districts in Lynnwood and Reformation of Retail Space in the Seattle Metropolitan Area

MATSUDA Takanori
(Faculty of Education, Shiga University)

Berry discussed the hierarchy of central places (1958) and the ribbon developments (1959a, b) in Snohomish County, in which Lynnwood and Alderwood Manor were ranked as central places of village class, and arterial strips characterized Lynnwood. Morrill (1987) analyzed the suburbanization of retail trade (1954―82) in the Seattle metropolitan area. Lynnwood had grown up to be one of the major suburban retail cores in the Seattle metropolitan area until the 1980s. This paper aims to clarify how some retail / business districts have been developed in Lynnwood.
When Lynnwood was incorporated in 1959, in addition to Lynnwood Center, the earliest shopping center in Snohomish County, the secondary shopping centers were developed along Highway 99 about 2 miles west of Alderwood Manor. Lynnwood City merged with Alderwood Manor, and the town center changed into a planned shopping center in 1963. While Interstate 5 (I―5) was constructed as a freeway during the 1960s, some planned centers and unplanned urban arterial businesses grew to be the city center of Lynnwood around the crossroads of two urban arterial roads connecting with the freeway interchanges.
The impacts of Interstate 5 and Highway 99 are independent of each other. Alderwood Mall, a super―regional center, was developed in the vicinity of the junction of I―5 and another freeway (I―405) in 1979. Several planned smaller centers were developed around Alderwood Mall during the 1980s. A few smaller centers were developed along the arterial road to Everett Mall, a regional center about 5 miles north of Alderwood Mall along I―5. There is a strong dependence of the large planned centers on good access to the freeway, as Morrill (1987) pointed out.  Several regional and super―regional malls were located in the suburban area, and the suburbanization of retail trade reached to maturity by the 1970s, as Kellerman (1985) pointed out. It seems that suburban centers began to compete with each other for market space in the 1980s. This paper discusses the reformation of retail space in the Seattle metropolitan area, especially southwestern Snohomish County around Lynnwood, since the 1980s.
Snohomish County has experienced a higher rate of population growth than any other county in Washington State since the 1980s. Many of the new smaller centers, including Korean shopping centers, were developed in the unincorporated territory during the late 1980s through the early 1990s. In 1990, the state legislated the Growth Management Act, in order to reduce uncoordinated sprawling development. It seems that both old and new smaller centers compete for spare market space of the incorporated areas which were already developed by the 1970s. All new smaller centers were located along major arterials like Highway 99, or in the vicinity of interchanges of freeways. Some small centers closed down because of competition from the others.
Many of the large centers developed during the 1990s selected better market strategies rather than simply competing for market space. Two large centers in downtown Seattle near I―5 created cinema complexes, as Everett Mall had done. Some suburban centers are called power centers, made of a set of discount stores and category killers. The other old centers with traditional tenant mixes can not help competing for market space with one another. Three large centers in the north part of the Seattle metropolitan area, Alderwood, Everett and Northgate Mall, have expanded quite recently.

Key words: Lynnwood, Alderwood, Snohomish Country, Seattle metropolitan area, suburbanization, super―regional center, power center

The Actual Situation and Regional Differences in Activities by Citizen Groups Working for the Conservation of the satoyama Environment in the Yamato Plain Area of Nara Prefecture

(Graduate School of Letters, Osaka University)

The word ‘satoyama’ refers to the mountainous upland where people had exploited fodder, manure and fuel for a long time. Since the beginning of the high economic growth period in the 1960s, when villagers ceased to extract resources from satoyama, its landscape has changed gradually. Now, people who are concerned about the disappearance of their familiar satoyama landscape have started volunteer movements for its conservation. The author surveyed 32 groups who have been carrying out satoyama field activities in the Yamato Plain area of Nara Prefecture in west central Japan and analyzed their activities.  The various groups can be divided into 5 types based on the purpose behind their foundation. Type 1 groups (2 associations) aim at tightening the bonds of community through field activities, whereas Type 2 groups (8 associations) aim to commune with nature. Type 3 groups (5 associations) aim toward opposing development that might destroy the satoyama landscape. Type 4 groups (6 associations) organize voluntary management of the forest, and Type 5 groups (11 associations) focus on the conservation of the satoyama landscape.
In the context of managing the forest land, Types 4 and 5 groups have effective skills and tend to carry out their activities in the afforested area. On the other hand, Types 1, 2 and 3 do not attach importance to the management of forest, and mainly perform activities outside the forest land. The differences in their abilities in forest management arise because training is needed to acquire the requisite skill for forest work in the afforested areas, and in addition, strong organization and leadership are necessary.
It is noteworthy that the groups with forest management skills are different from the other groups in another respect. The participants of the former generally reside in areas that are away from the operations sites, whereas those in the latter groups generally work on areas nearby.
Satoyama field activity is not always only forest management through forest work. The ways of thinking about how to manage satoyama and the philosophy of conservation are different among the varying activist groups.

Key words: satoyama, satoyama field activity, afforested area, volunteers, Yamato Plain

First Generation Aging, Second Generation on the Move:
the process of generation transition in two suburban neighborhoods in the Tokyo metropolitan area

(Faculty of Economics, Oita University)
SATO Hideto
(Center for Spatial Information Science, The University of Tokyo)
(Faculty of Letters, Meiji University)

This paper examines the process of generational transition in two suburban neighborhoods in the Tokyo metropolitan area, focusing on the inter―generational reproduction of social status in their residents. One neighborhood is the Kamariya District located in the southwestern sector of the Tokyo metropolitan area. The other is the Yotsukaido District in the eastern sector. Both neighborhoods were developed in the 1970s as residential districts for commuters to the downtown, and are situated 40 kilometers away from Tokyo Station, the center of the Tokyo metropolitan area. The two neighborhoods are similar in the ages, educational attainments, and occupational class of the first generation residents: Husbands who are now in their 60s or 70s were typically white collar workers employed by major companies or the public sector and once commuted to the central business district by train and bus in relay, while wives stayed at home devoting most of their time to housekeeping and childrearing. The first generation residents of both neighborhoods think it ideal to keep independent of, but in close relationships with, their adult children.
The broad similarity between the two neighborhoods seems to verify a prevailing recognition that the suburbs are a homogeneous space not only physically but also socially; however, comparison of the social status of the second generation demands re―investigation. The male second generation of the Kamariya District have well succeeded to the high social status of the first generation. On the contrary, the process of inter―generational reproduction of social status does not seem to function well in the case of the Yotsukaido District. More of the Yotsukaido second generation are in non―permanent positions or unemployed in the labor market and live with their parents than the Kamariya second generation.
It is also interesting that the two groups of the second generation who are already married are distributed differently within the Tokyo metropolitan area. The residences of the Kamariya second generation are concentrated around the Kamariya District. The married second generation of the Yotsukaido District live also mainly within the eastern sector where the Yotsukaido District is located, however, the pattern of the distribution shows more expansion to the opposite side of the metropolitan area than that of the Kamariya second generation. Both Kamariya and Yotsukaido districts were once thought of as appropriate residential neighborhoods for downtown white collar workers. The difference in the distribution of the married second generation implies that the Kamariya District is still recognized as a commuter’s neighborhood by the second generation, but Yotsukaido no longer is.
Along with the generational transition, some suburban neighborhoods will remain residential areas of commuters to the downtown who have high social status, whereas some neighborhoods are changing into self―contained territories which include both home and workplace, experiencing fluctuations in the attributes of residents.

Key words: suburbs, generation transition, social status, aging, Tokyo metropolitan area

Changes in CitrusProducing Areas in California Since the Orange Trade Liberalization between Japan and the U. S. in 1991

(Faculty of Law and Literature, Shimane University)

Japan has been increasing its importation of farm products, in terms of both volume and variety, especially since the late 1980s. Concurrently, there has been much research on the formation of vegetableproducing regions for export, and importation from Asian developing countries, especially China. However, as about 50% of farm products now imported by Japan come from advanced countries such as the U. S., Canada and Australia, the purpose of this study was to give a more complete picture of Japanユs agricultural trade. Therefore I decided to take up the import of citrus fruits from the U. S. in this study.
Citrus trade liberalization has been a very important political topic between Japan and the U. S. since 1960. After dismantling the orange import quota system in 1991, Japanese mandarinproducing areas were forced to shrink under pressure of imported California orange products. This paper examined the regional change of California citrusproducing areas (CCPA) since 1991. The findings are summarized below:

1. CCPA expanded largely during the 1990s as orange exports to Japan increased. From 2000 on however, CCPA shrank due to the demand for Valencia oranges by Japan being replaced by its demand for navel oranges from Southern Hemisphere regions. Grapefruit production in CCPA also decreased as a result of competition from Florida in the export of that product.
2. These changes in the citrus market conditions promoted regional specialization in CCPA. CCPA consists of 2 areas, the San Joaquin Valley Area (SVA) and the Southern California Area (SCA). The main product of SVA is navel oranges while that of SCA are Valencia oranges and grapefruits, which have become less popular in Japan in recent years. Japanese consumers had traditionally favored the SCA Valencia oranges but after dismantling the orange quota system, demand in the Japanese market dramatically shifted to navel oranges, damaging the citrus export volume of SCA.
3. These regional specializations (rise and fall) will probably continue as SCA is located in the expanding Los Angeles metropolitan area where citrus groves are likely to be developed for urban land use. However, as SCA is less apt to freeze or suffer frost than SVA, the maintenance of SCA is important for the whole CCPA industry. Therefore, the task of Sunkist Growers, Inc., which was founded in SCA, is a very important one. It is to find new markets for Valencia orange products.

The recent shrinkage of SCA was related to trends in the Japanese market. After the year 2000, orange exports to Japan decreased, but now Japan is the No. 1 citrus fruits customer of export market traders. This condition will continue for the foreseeable future. So CCPA must monitor the consumer trends of the Japanese market.

Key words: citrus fruits producing areas, regional specialization, Valencia oranges, Japanese market, trade liberalization, California